Stop dumbing down the debate on Chinese uni students

share_windows This article appeared in Crikey on April 7 2026.

Like many media stories about international students from China, two recent ABC stories, one reporting experts forecasting a “sharp turn for the worse” in Australia’s intake of Chinese students and the other reporting a decline in the soft power appeal of Australian universities, stop short of presenting a broader and more complex picture.

The US-Israel war on Iran may have a range of flow-on consequences that could shape where — and when — Chinese students choose to pursue post-secondary education. A downturn in Chinese student numbers cannot be ruled out, given many factors, including China’s slowing economy, declining population growth, and the rising global prestige of its universities. But compounding these challenges is the tendency of the Australian government and mainstream media to frame international students as contributors to the housing crisis and as potential security risks, rather than recognising the economic, cultural, and political benefits they bring — an approach that could ultimately undermine efforts to navigate these headwinds.

For now, working with official data on the number of visas granted to Chinese students in the higher education sector, and comparing the period from July 2025 to February 2026 with the same eight-month period in previous years, the numbers did fall from 55,261 in July–February 2024–25 to 43,495 in the current year. However, when taking a longer view, the number of visas granted to Chinese students remains comparable to pre-COVID baseline figures. This suggests that the higher numbers in the past couple of years may have been driven by something like a post-COVID surge.

Looking now at available data for the calendar year 2025 on overall enrolments (rather than just newly commencing students), it seems there was a record high of 168,290 Chinese students in Australia’s higher education sector. Moreover, 2025 also represented the second-highest level of commencements since 2016.

The proportion of Chinese students among international students in Australian universities did decline, from 37% in 2019 to 31% in 2025. However, this change reflects an increase in the number of students from other countries rather than a substantial drop in Chinese enrolments.

Journalists often favour crisis narratives, but serious analysis of trends needs to take pre-COVID baselines into account rather than focusing on isolated figures. Judging by how the topic of Chinese students is covered in the media and discussed by politicians and commentators, there is a tendency to react to both increases and decreases in numbers, often framing both as negative developments. Public debate about international students, especially Chinese students, rarely addresses several key underlying questions.

First, why do we want or need Chinese students? Politicians, the higher education sector and the media often appear unable to decide whether Chinese students are primarily a source of revenue or a strain on resources and infrastructure. On the one hand, there is a recurring narrative, particularly in tabloid reporting and during election periods, that large numbers of international students place pressure on rental markets and contribute to housing shortages in cities such as Sydney and Melbourne. On the other hand, declining demand from China is portrayed as a potential risk to Australian universities’ financial viability, as highlighted in the two ABC stories.

Second, international students from China are often discussed within a zero-sum framework. Education Minister Jason Clare has repeatedly framed international students, including those from China, as cultural ambassadors who help build long-term goodwill through education and personal experience. In a 2024 press conference, he said that “international education is a national asset … it makes us friends”. He added that when students come to Australia, “they fall in love with Australia … and take that love … back home”.

Media coverage, by contrast, tends to frame Chinese students in more “newsworthy” ways, focusing on perceived problems. These include the relationship between Chinese embassies and some student associations, concerns about censorship and surveillance, and the nationalistic behaviour of some students on Australian campuses. In other words, they are seen either as valuable assets who enhance Australia’s global appeal or as potential agents of influence advancing China’s interests, possibly at odds with Australia’s national interest. Rarely are they recognised as individuals who participate in a two-way process of informal public diplomacy between the two countries.

Third, Australia’s university sector has undergone a significant shift in attitude as relations between Western countries and the People’s Republic of China have become more strained. The perspective has moved from viewing Chinese students and scholars through the lens of knowledge diplomacy to viewing them through a security lens. China’s rapid technological development and military modernisation, along with uncertainty about its strategic intentions, have contributed to increased scrutiny of research collaboration and academic exchange involving Chinese institutions. Public commentary by senior former officials reflects this more security-focused framing.

Two recent reports published by the Australia-China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney (UTS:ACRI) on the research mobility of Chinese students and scholars seeking to come to Australia indicate that applicants for student and visiting scholar visas face significantly longer processing times. The first report is based on a recent survey of nearly 400 Chinese applicants for higher education student visas. The second report, based on in-depth interviews with 24 individuals, found that many applicants — particularly those in STEM fields such as engineering — often face security screening. Applicants funded by the China Scholarship Council or graduates of universities on restricted lists reported undergoing additional screening.

In-depth interviews also identified several key attractions presented by Australia: the use of English, the relatively small time zone differences between China and Australia, exposure to a different cultural environment, and the increasing difficulty of studying in the United States.

While one of the ABC stories cites experts suggesting that some Chinese students may choose to study in Asian countries due to cultural familiarity, in-depth interviews found that linguistic and cultural differences are, in fact, major drawcards for Australia. Australia’s status as an English-speaking country is particularly attractive, as many Chinese students see strong English proficiency as beneficial for career development. Exposure to cultural differences between China and Western countries is also highly valued.

An enduring perception of Australia as a safe country with a high quality of life, strong environmental standards, and a healthy work-life balance continues to make it an appealing destination for study and research. Interviews also suggest that Chinese students and scholars are drawn less by university rankings or academic prestige and more by Australia’s climate, natural environment, open society, and relatively relaxed lifestyle.