When talking about the impacts of neoliberalism on democracy, we often think about big ticket items, like how even centre-left governments look to ‘the market’ to solve pretty much everything.

A recent example is Australia’s Labor Government’s attempt to address the issue of housing shortages through the creation of a complex financialised incentive mechanism - the Housing Australia Future Fund (HAFF). Rather than just borrowing money to build public housing, the government has turned to market incentives for housing provision. 

The impact of neoliberalism on democracy extends well beyond market oriented government policy, however. It has also transformed the organisations that citizens rely on to advocate for change. My research focuses on the actions of civil society organisations (CSOs) within the parts of our system that are oriented towards community activity and collective benefit, rather than the generation of private wealth or the administration of government. 

A key impact of neoliberalism here has been the mass expansion of public funding for non-government service delivery, of course accompanied by marketisation, professionalisation and corporatisation. 

The operations of many modern Australian charities more closely resemble corporate organisations. They focus on managing risk, property portfolios and financial scalability rather than being gatherings of well-intentioned community members.

Mark Riboldi, Lecturer

As a result, the neoliberal turn has also significantly impacted advocacy for policy, law reform and social change. Most modern CSOs are financially entangled with the state, through direct service delivery as well as regulatory conditions such as tax deductibility status and registration with the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission (ACNC). This entanglement has produced a tendency towards quieter, insider advocacy. Or, as one study put it “advocacy with gloves on.”

Closer relationships with policy makers and corresponding insider discussions around systems reform have their benefits. The insights that service providers gain from their direct interaction with communities can help to diagnose systemic problems and then design pathways to reform. Unfortunately, service provider evidence doesn’t always rate highly on the incentive scale for political decision-making when it comes to fixing systemic problems for the benefit of disadvantaged or discriminated against citizens.

For the systemically disadvantaged, louder, more public, advocacy has always played an important role in social change. Feminist, labour and civil rights movements have all pushed for and achieved transformative systems reforms by bringing their demands for justice and equity onto the streets and into the broader public consciousness. Modern Australian movements are combining combining mass public direct action with sophisticated public campaigning that makes the most of developments in mass communication technologies. The successful Yes campaign for marriage equality is a key example.

However, market logics are also infecting how public advocacy CSOs relate to their constituencies or memberships. The rise of neoliberal governance has intersected with the collapse in associational membership (e.g. membership of trade unions) and disengagement with mainstream politics worldwide.

In response, digital campaigning organisations, like Australia’s GetUp! , have pioneered new forms of citizen engagement, mixing online engagement with on the ground campaigning and large set-piece focal events. Following their lead, traditional campaigning organisations like Greenpeace, the Wilderness Society and Amnesty International have embraced microdonations, theoretically building large funding pools for systemic advocacy.

However, unlike GetUp, most of these campaigning interest groups are also ACNC registered charities. They are thus subject to politicised restrictions on the types of public advocacy they can engage in. And, like government funded service providers, more money frequently means larger, more professionalised organisations, which have their own pressures of further neoliberalisation.

Both these factors serve as incentives for CSOs to move towards what I call ‘quiet’ advocacy. Behind the scenes. Not pushing too hard. Very polite.

Advocacy like this can be effective at tinkering with policies and processes, as well as keeping the staff at the organisation employed, but it doesn’t particularly add to or enable the ‘loud’ public agenda setting contests that are often associated with major systemic changes.

The biggest challenge of neoliberalism that CSOs need to deal with, I think, is the incentivisation towards financial growth and professionalisation. Both bring benefits, of course, but they also bring risk aversion and a structural disconnect from the people and communities they (claim they) exist to serve.

This challenge intersects with broader trends around associational disengagement and political disillusionment. As we’re seeing play out in our electoral landscape, this disconnection leads people towards simplistic right-wing populism when they’re looking for answers around pressures such as the rising cost-of-living and housing unaffordability.

To respond to this challenge, civil society organisations need to better understand and connect with people’s real interests and material concerns just as much as political parties and governments.

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Meet the author

Mark Riboldi

Lecturer, Business School

Mark Riboldi

Before entering academia, Mark worked as a media and policy adviser in NSW Parliament, an advocacy and communications manager at Community Legal Centres NSW, and as the collaborative research and policy manager at the Sydney Policy Lab. He has operated a strategic consultancy for over a decade supporting various nonprofits and small business devise organisational and communications strategies.

Mark Riboldi

Lecturer, Business School

TBA

  • Collaborative projects
  • Media enquiries
  • Masters Research or PhD student supervision