HIV and AIDS have long been problematized in the People's Republic of China as objects of governance in political frameworks and institutions. The state's attitudes towards health programs have, nevertheless, changed significantly during the 21st century. Pilot programs at the beginning of the century, which focused on underground sex workers, have now developed into the roll-out of a nationwide program, with supportive legislation and broadcast media publicity.

This book therefore examines China's evolving AIDS response, providing an up to date investigation into the positions and practices of the state. It explains the origins, rationales and implementation of initiatives focused on female sex workers and explores the extension of such initiatives to include other populations identified as key to ending the AIDS epidemic, especially homosexual men and rural-to-urban migrant labourers. Ultimately, through an analysis of the different approaches to the governance of commercial sex and sexual health, Governing HIV in China concludes by considering the challenges raised by China's commitment to the United Nations' vision of ending AIDS as a global health threat by 2030.

This book will be useful for students and scholars of Social Policy, Public Health Policy and Chinese Studies.

This book will be useful for students and scholars of Social Policy, Public Health Policy and Chinese Studies.

© 2016 David Bray and Elaine Jeffreys. All rights reserved. China continues to transform apace, flowing from the forces of deregulation, privatization and globalization unleashed by economic reforms which began in late 1978. The dramatic scope of economic change in China is often counterposed to the apparent lack of political change as demonstrated by continued Chinese Communist Party (CCP) rule. However, the ongoing dominance of the CCP belies the fact that much has also changed in relation to practices of government, including how authorities and citizens interact in the management of daily life. New Mentalities of Government in China examines how the privatization and professionalization of 'public' service provision is transforming the nature of government and everyday life in the People's Republic of China (PRC). The book addresses key theoretical questions on the nature of government in China and documents the emergence of a range of 'new mentalities of government' in China. Its chapters focus on areas such as clinical trials, conceptualizing government, consumer activity, elite philanthropy, lifestyle and beauty advice, public health, social work, volunteering; and urban and rural planning. Offering a topical examination of shifting modes of governance in contemporary China, this book will appeal to scholars in the fields of anthropology, history, politics and sociology.

Prostitution Scandals in China presents an examination of media coverage of prostitution-related scandals in contemporary China. It demonstrates that the subject of prostitution is not only widely debated, but also that these public discussions have ramifications for some of the key social, legal and political issues affecting citizens of the PRC. Further, this book shows how these public discussions impact on issues as diverse as sexual exploitation, civil rights, government corruption, child and youth protection, policing abuses, and public health

© 2009 Editorial selection and matter, Elaine Jeffreys. All rights reserved. Since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) embarked on a programme of 'reform and openness' in the late 1970s, Chinese society has undergone a series of dramatic transformations in almost all realms of social, cultural, economic and political life and the People's Republic of China (PRC) has emerged as a global power. China's post-1978 transition from 'socialist plan' to 'market socialism' has also been accompanied by significant shifts in how the practice and objects of government are understood and acted upon. China's Governmentalities outlines the nature of these shifts, and contributes to emerging studies of governmentality in non-western and non-liberal settings, by showing how neoliberal discourses on governance, development, education, the environment, community, religion, and sexual health, have been raised in other contexts. In doing so, it opens discussions of governmentality to 'other worlds' and the glocal politics of the present. The book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines interested in the work of Michel Foucault, neo-liberal strategies of governance, and governmental rationalities in contemporary China.

© 2006 Elaine Jeffreys, selection and editorial matter. All rights reserved. Elaine Jeffreysexplores the issues of sex and sexuality in a non-Western context by examining debates surrounding the emergence of new sexual behaviours, and the appropriate nature of their regulation, in the People's Republic of China. Commissioned from Western and mainland Chinese scholars of sex and sexuality in China, the chapters in this volume are marked by a diversity of subject material and theoretical perspectives, but turn on three related concerns. First, the book situates China's changing sexual culture and the nature of its governance in the socio-political history of the PRC. Second, it shows how China's shift to a rule of law has generated conflicting conceptions of citizenship and the associated rights of individuals as sexual citizens. Finally, the book demonstrates that the Chinese state does not operate strictly to repress 'sex'; it also is implicated in the creation of new spaces for sexual entrepreneurship, expertise and consumption. This comprehensive study is a valuable resource for scholars in the fields of sexuality studies and post-socialist societies and culture, directly appealing to both East Asia and China specialists.

Recently re-released (2012) in paperback edition by Routledge. http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415646567/

© SOAS University of London 2018. This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of the development of, and public responses to, celebrity-fronted philanthropy in the People's Republic of China. It explores the extent and nature of celebrity philanthropy with reference to a sample of mainland Chinese celebrities in entertainment and sports. It then draws on interviews conducted with employees of large charities to examine the kinds of links that are being forged between China's not-for-profit sector and commercial organizations managing the work of celebrities. Finally, it analyses the responses to a national survey on celebrity and philanthropy. We conclude that the relationship between China's government, not-for-profit and celebrity sectors is becoming more professionalized and organized. This development reveals how the roles and capacities of government are being reconfigured and expanded, even as it also enhances the scope for action and the influence of new social actors and organizations to address government-led national development issues.

© 2018, © 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This paper examines the nexus of coal–government–society relations in present-day China using a governmentality approach to explore the interactions between policy change, 'crisis' management and social action. It outlines the noticeable shift in government rationalities and communication regarding the coal industry in recent years. It then frames this shift within the broader context of government–society relations focusing on public debate regarding the calamitous nature of China's air pollution and its filtering via the censorship apparatus of the Communist Party-state. Finally, it shows how problems relating to coal extraction and combustion have been taken up at the level of grass-roots protest and philanthropic advocacy. An examination of such activism illustrates the crucial role played by digital media networks in sparking debate on coal-related environmental and health crises, and in pushing an authoritarian government to change national coal and other policies in order to maintain social and political stability.

In March 2012, the Central Committee of China's ruling Communist Party issued the "Suggestions on Strengthening Activities to Learn from Lei Feng" - a peace-time soldier who died in an accident in 1962. Lei Feng became a model of socialist citizenship in 1963, when his alleged diary, which celebrates selflessness, class struggle and the inspiring effects of Mao Zedong Thought, was upheld during a national campaign to "Learn from Lei Feng". Today, China's government is promoting Lei Feng to encourage volunteering. Numerous reports suggest that public reactions to the revived use of Lei Feng are cynical and disbelieving, highlighting the Party-state's recourse to anachronistic propaganda. The paper explores the history and altered nature of Lei Feng's fame and the responses of 415 university students to survey questions about him. Contrary to received wisdom, these responses indicate that he is viewed as a relevant symbol of helping others. The findings call into question the adequacy of the term "propaganda" to describe either the multiple content that comprises the contemporary figure of Lei Feng, or the nature of public service communication campaigns in present-day China

© 2017 Asian Studies Association of Australia. This paper provides the first detailed study of the links between celebrity-fan communication networks and philanthropy in the People's Republic of China. It explains how the evolution of the Chinese Internet, and especially the rise of social media, has created new spaces in which fans of entertainment celebrities may be induced to engage with philanthropic causes. It then outlines the history of Chinese fan-driven philanthropic initiatives centred on people who became famous through reality-television popular music competitions. Finally, it offers a case study of the initiatives connected to popstar Li Yuchun, and examines the rationales provided by fans in online forums and interviews for their philanthropic engagement. Critics of celebrity-inspired philanthropy highlight its supposedly inauthentic and passive nature. Yet we find that fans actively exploit the forms of sociality that are provided by celebrity-fan communication networks, both to establish virtual participatory communities and to generate social action in the form of non-government-organised volunteering.

© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. Shanghai-born Yao Ming, a retired star player with the American National Basketball Association, is the celebrity face of translocal conservation campaigns to stop the consumption of shark-fin soup in Chinese restaurants worldwide. The standard justification for such communication practices is that they will generate media publicity and save shark populations, by encouraging increasingly affluent Chinese consumers to stop eating a luxury food item based on cruel and unsustainable practices. To date, there has been limited research on the nature of shark-protection campaigns in mainland China, the proclaimed major future market for shark fin. This paper fills that gap. It contends that these campaigns have missed their target, being heavily influenced by communication strategies used in international campaigns and providing incoherent local framing. Declining demand for shark fin demonstrates instead that government austerity measures have had a greater impact on luxury consumption practices, inadvertently highlighting the potential of 'authoritarian environmentalism.'

© 2015, The Author(s) 2015. This article examines the rise of celebrity politics in mainland China. It outlines some typologies of Western celebrity politics and considers whether equivalent forms exist in China. It then examines the rise of Chinese politician celebrities and celebrity involvement in the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. An examination of celebrity participation in these forums shows that celebrity politics in China chiefly functions to support government policies, but also reveals a broadening of elite networks and the capacity of those networks to generate public discussion of alternative policies and politics. Rather than supporting claims that celebrity politics is spectacular or theatrical, it demonstrates instead the connections between celebrity and mundane aspects of Chinese governance.

Based on a statistical analysis of 91 celebrity-endorsed charities in the People's Republic of China, this paper challenges the popular assumption that celebrity involvement with not-for-profit organisations attracts extensive media coverage. Although China is the largest media market in the world, previous studies of celebrity philanthropy have been conducted almost exclusively in a Western context. Such studies argue passionately for and against the role that celebrities can play in attracting attention to humanitarian causes, focusing on the activities of Western celebrities, corporations and consumers as essential or problematic promoters and providers of aid to people in developing countries. We show that – in China, at least – most of this debate is overblown. Rather than arguing in favour of or against celebrity philanthropy, we provide statistical results suggesting that celebrity endorsement has very little impact on press coverage of charities.

Celebrity philanthropy in mainland China is a recent phenomenon
that has attracted both media publicity and public controversy. Despite its visibility, few data exist regarding how widespread the phenomenon is, and whether it has been growing over time. This paper addresses this gap, using a sample of entertainment and sports celebrities obtained from publicly available sources to answer three key questions. What proportion of celebrities in mainland China engage in philanthropic activities? When did they become involved in philanthropic activities? With what kinds of philanthropic causes and organisations are they connected, and in what capacity? The paper reveals that, in a very short period of time, mainland China's top celebrities have become just as involved with philanthropic causes as their North American counterparts. The rapid rise of celebrity philanthropy has been correlated with a series of natural disasters and the explicit encouragement of government authorities, offsetting the absence of a tradition of private charitable activities in the People's Republic of China since its founding.

This research note examines the growth of Chinese-foreign marriage in mainland China since 1979. From the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 until the early 1990s, Chinese-foreign marriage was an unusual occurrence in the country. Statistics compiled by the PRCs Ministry of Civil Affairs indicate that the number of couples registering a Chinese-foreign marriage in mainland China increased almost tenfold between 1979 and 2010, although that figure has since stabilized at a lower rate. The article explores these changes in three stages. First, it maps the architecture of the PRCs Marriage Laws and reform-era regulations on marriage registration, showing how Chinese-foreign marriages have been categorized as different types of `cross-border and international marriages. Second, it provides a statistical breakdown of the number, type and gendered composition of Chinese-foreign marriages registered in mainland China between 1979 and 2010. It concludes by highlighting the gendered character and spatial dimensions of mainland Chinese-foreign marriages, and pointing to their largely `intracultural as opposed to international bases.

This paper examines the diversity of Chinas popular culture idols with reference to a commemorative website called `The Search for Modern China, which was launched in late September 2009 to celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party on 1 October 1949. The websites framing narrative suggests that the history of idol production and celebrity in the PRC can be viewed crudely as marked by disjuncture: the decline of heavy-handed Party-state involvement in the propagandistic manufacturing of socialist idols of production, followed by the grafted-on rise of western-style media-manufactured celebrities as idols of capitalist consumption. However, an analysis of the websites pantheon of idols reveals that while some idols from the Maoist and early reform period have been relegated to the realm of fiction, revolutionary kitsch or are now simply passé, others remain very much alive in the popular imagination. A state-led project of promoting patriotic education has ensured the coexistence in commercial popular culture of revolutionary idols and contemporary celebrities, via memory sites associated with broadcast television, DVDs and the Internet, and the historical locations, museums and monuments of `red tourism.

This article examines issues of migrancy and socioeconomic disadvantage in present-day China with references to two cases involving the celebritization of migrant beggars and buskers. The first concerns Cheng Guorong, a 34-year-old vagrant beggar with mental health issues who became an international fashion icon known as Brother Sharp in 2010 after an amateur photographer posted candid photographs of him walking down a street on an internet forum. The second case involves two migrant buskers in Beijing who performed to an audience of around 1 billion viewers worldwide on China Central Television Station's annual Spring Festival Gala in 2011, after a friend posted a mobile phone video clip of them singing on his microblog. These cases show how the mediated contexts provided by the World Wide Web, combined with the corollary growth of a young digital-technologysavvy population, are generating new entertainment-orientated communities and celeb-rity-making practices in China. It also shows how these seemingly apolitical entertainment practices are refashioning public debates about the politics of prosperity and equality.

In January 2010, the internationally acclaimed Chinese actor, Zhang Ziyi, became a focus of public criticism for allegedly defaulting on a pledge to donate one million yuan to the 2008 Sichuan earthquake disaster-relief fund. That earthquake not only killed 70,000 people and left five million homeless, but also produced a dramatic rise in individual and corporate philanthropy in China. Philanthropic donations in 2008 amounted to a total figure of 100 billion yuan, exceeding the documented total for the preceding decade. Zhangs `failed pledge led fans and critics to accuse her in interactive media forums of both charity fraud and generating a nationwide crisis of faith in the philanthropic activities of the rich and famous. Dubbed `donation-gate, the ensuing controversy obliged Zhang Ziyi to hire a team of USA-based lawyers, to give an exclusive interview to the China Daily, and to engage in renewed philanthropic endeavours, in an effort to clear her name. Hence, contrary to claims that celebrity philanthropy is an apolitical mode of philanthropy, an examination of the Zhang Ziyi scandal and its disaster-relief precursors demonstrates that celebrity philanthropy in the Peoples Republic of China is a political affair.

This paper examines the adoption and roll-out of a 100 Per Cent Condom Use Program (100% CUP) in the Peopleâs Republic of China (PRC). It first details the initial implementation of a 100% CUP in Thailand and explains how this created a framework for action in other developing countries. It then examines the implementation of pilot programs in China. We conclude that governmental authorities in the PRC now actively target designated high-risk populations such as female sex workers in order to combat the spread of sexually transmissible infections and HIV/AIDS. This has resulted in the introduction of new legal frameworks and the use of widespread media publicity to promote condom use and safer-sex strategies. However, the more effective implementation of a national 100% CUP in China requires attention to the problems associated with the legal and social marginalisation of female sex workers, which is reinforced by police-led crackdowns on prostitution.

This paper examines prostitution-related police corruption and malfeasance in the People¡¯s Republic of China (PRC) during the early 2000s, as exemplified by media coverage of the story of Ma Dandan and six other ¡°virgin prostitute cases¡± (chun¨¹ maiyin an ´¦Å®ÂôÒù°¸). At 8 p.m. on 8 January 2001, Ma Dandan, an eighteen-year-old woman from Jingyang County in Shaanxi Province, was watching television with her brother-in-law and niece in her sister¡¯s hairdressing salon. Two plainclothes police officers, Wang Haitao and Hu Anding, entered the premises and took her to the local police station for questioning about alleged involvement in the banned practice of prostitution. At the station, Wang and Hu, in the presence of chief police officer, Peng Liang, subjected Ma to 23 hours of abuse. She was slapped and kicked, sexually harassed, deprived of food, drink and sleep, and handcuffed to an outside basketball frame in the cold winter air, with the aim of forcing her to admit to engaging in prostitution. Having signed a confession under duress, Ma was released at 7 p.m. the following evening. The Jingyang County Police Department then issued a document imposing an administrative punishment fine on Ma Dandan for involvement in prostitution and sentencing her to 15 days¡¯ administrative detention. Ma eventually appealed that decision, demanding an apology from the policing authorities, restoration of her reputation and reparation of five million yuan for psychological distress, on the grounds that she was a virgin.

This article examines the recent emergence of Chinas private investigation industry, focusing on investigators of spousal infidelity. It outlines the professed business rationales of private investigators that target women experiencing marital crises, including claims that they provide a necessary social service, protect womens rights, promote anti-corruption measures, and uphold Chinese law. It also details growing criticisms of Chinas infidelity sleuths for violating Chinese law and citizens rights. Finally, the article examines some of the proposed responses to the problems associated with private investigators and the policing of infidelity. The demand for such services highlights the laissez-faire position that economic reform has increasingly forced Chinas governmental authorities to assume with regard to regulating the private affairs of Chinese citizens.

This article examines media publicity surrounding the case of Li Ning - a 34-year-old native of Nanjing City, Jiangsu Province, who made legal history in the People's Republic of China (PRC) on 17 October 2004 when he was sentenced to eight years jail and fined 60,000 yuan for organizing male-male prostitution services in a recreational business enterprise. Reportedly the first conviction of its kind, the case proved to be controversial for three reasons. First, it prompted legal debate over the nature of China's recent shift to a "rule of law" and associated conceptions of due legal process and individual and sexual rights. Second, it intimated that homosocial prostitution - male-male prostitution in which neither participant may self-identify as homosexual - is an integral but frequently neglected component of China's burgeoning, albeit banned, sex industry. Finally, it raised questions regarding the perceived appropriate parameters of same-sex sexual conduct in a country facing rapidly increasing rates of HIV/AIDS infection. An examination of media coverage of these concerns suggests that accusations of official homophobia in the PRC are overstated: they elide the specificity of debates on homosexuality in present- day China due to their overarching concern with Western understandings of sexuality as constitutive of selfhood and ( rightful) sociopolitical identity.

This paper examines some of the tensions surrounding the PRCs official policy of banning prostitution by focusing on two highly publicized cases of deceptive recruiting for sexual servicesthe `Tang Shengli Incident and the `Liu Yanhua Incident. Both cases involve young rural women who had migrated from their native homes to other more economically developed parts of China to look for work. Both were forced to sell sex and both resisted. However, whereas Tang Shengli jumped from a building rather than be forced into prostitution, Liu Yanhua escaped from conditions akin to sexual servitude by stabbing her `employer. An examination of these cases highlights some of the problems associated with efforts by the Chinese womens media to promote and protect womens rights in a country marked by rapid, yet unequal, economic growth and an expanding, albeit banned, sex industry.

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The term "dangerous amusements" comes from a text by Mark Connelly which details the construction of prostitution as a socio-political problem in early twentieth-century America.1 While it may seem somewhat odd to begin a discussion of prostitution in present-day China by way of reference to this particular period in American history, Connelly's work offers a useful point of departure for three reasons. First, his use of the term "dangerous amusements" evokes the dualism inherent in most common understandings of prostitution: namely, that the phenomenon of prostitution constitutes both a source of individual pleasure and material gain, and also a potential threat to the values and interests of society at large. The tensions present in this reading also help explain why the prostitute subject has been variously constructed as a sexual healer, a worker engaged in an inevitable or even necessary social practice, and as a depraved and diseased figure that threatens to rot the body politic.

philanthropy. in. China. Rethinking cultural studies' 'Big Citizen' critique Elaine
Jeffreys Introduction and background Chris Rojek (2014: 127) argues that
cultural studies has overlooked 'one of the keynote developments in modern
culture ...

This chapter looks at the lack of explicit public policies relating to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in the People's Republic of China (PRC), and recent events and activist efforts that highlight or challenge that omission. Although the term LGBT does not specify the full range of sexual and gender non-conforming people, it is used in this chapter as a short-hand to represent all sexual and gender minorities, in part because other possible terms such as 'queer' also reference western academic theories, and do not have the same significance in China. The term 'PRC' is used to refer to post-1949 mainland China. The chapter does not examine the evolution of LGBT-related policies in Hong Kong and Macau, which have different histories of social organization and LGBT activism (Engebretson, Schroeder and Bao 2015; Kam 2013; Kong 2010; Yau 2010).

What might motivate the People's Republic of China (PRC) to recognize same-sex marriage and what has spurred Taiwan's Constitutional Court to instruct the Taiwan parliament to legalize same-sex marriage? This chapter traces the emergence of advocacy for marriage equality in the context of two different and evolving political systems. Taiwan looks set to become the first Asian country to legalize same-sex marriage as the result of an active LGBT movement, multiparty strategizing and government efforts to differentiate Taiwan from China in international arenas. But the exact nature of such legislation may be influenced by public protest against marriage equality on the grounds that it will undermine religious and traditional Chinese family values. While domestic pressure for marriage equality is a more recent and restrained phenomenon in China, the rise of the PRC as a global superpower and the current administration's emphasis on promoting 'Chinese' and core socialist values may eventually enable the recognition of same-sex marriage equality by government fiat.

Foundations provide the basis for philanthropy by the wealthy in developed countries such as
the United States (US) and are playing a growing role in the development of elite
philanthropy in mainland China. There is no precise definition of the term 'elite philanthropy'
because the words 'elite' and 'philanthropy' imply social and economic differentiation and
hence are essentially contested concepts. Broadly speaking, elite philanthropy refers to the
charitable donations/activities of particularly wealthy people and thus to philanthropy by
people at the top of an economic hierarchy (economic elites). These people may also occupy
a position of high social standing as the result of birth, achievement or good fortune, or they
may be viewed as people who aspire to be seen as social elites and engage in philanthropic
activities to 'buy' respectability and reputation, by deflecting any 'bad press' associated with
their acquisition of private wealth (Adams 2009; Ostrower 1995). Whichever the case may be,
'big money philanthropy' is a new phenomenon in the People's Republic of China (PRC).

government. in. China. An. introduction. David. Bray. and. Elaine. Jeffreys. New
Mentalities of Government in China looks at recent transformations in the nature
of government and the governance of everyday life in the People«s Republic of ...

This book presents case studies of celebrity philanthropy from around the globe—including such figures as Shakira, Arundhati Roy, Zhang Ziyi, Bono, and Madonna—looking at the tensions between celebrity activism and ground-level work and ...

This book presents case studies of celebrity philanthropy from around the globe—including such figures as Shakira, Arundhati Roy, Zhang Ziyi, Bono, and Madonna—looking at the tensions between celebrity activism and ground-level work and ...

This book presents case studies of celebrity philanthropy from around the globe—including such figures as Shakira, Arundhati Roy, Zhang Ziyi, Bono, and Madonna—looking at the tensions between celebrity activism and ground-level work and ...

This book presents case studies of celebrity philanthropy from around the globe—including such figures as Shakira, Arundhati Roy, Zhang Ziyi, Bono, and Madonna—looking at the tensions between celebrity activism and ground-level work and ...

The chapter examines prostitution related police corruption and malfeasance in the People's Republic of China during the early 2002s as seen in the media coverage story of Ma Dandan and six other virgin prostitute cases. Apart from using the legal and judicial system to protect their rights and reputations, the media's role as citizen redress in present-day China is highlighted.

The article explores the development of Chineese propeganda in educating the prositution industry on the prevention of HIV/AIDS. It explores how the government, which has long been against prositution since the 1950's, has been able to justfy working with the industry in preventing sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in the country.

Celebrity is a pervasive aspect of everyday life and a growing field of academic inquiry. There is now a substantial body of literature Oil celebrity culture in Australia, Europe and the Americas. This literature covers a wide variety of fields, including: film, literature, popular music, political, and sports stardom; celebrity CEOs, and the relationship between the media and celebrity. I All of these texts seek to understand why the production and consumption of celebrity has become such a common feature of life in recent decades. Some commentators regard celebrity as epitomizing the trivial and deplorable aspects of popular culture (e.g. Boorstin 1972).

Celebrity is a pervasive aspect of everyday life and a growing field of academic inquiry. There is now a substantial body of literature Oil celebrity culture in Australia, Europe and the Americas. This literature covers a wide variety of fields, including: film, literature, popular music, political, and sports stardom; celebrity CEOs, and the relationship between the media and celebrity. I All of these texts seek to understand why the production and consumption of celebrity has become such a common feature of life in recent decades. Some commentators regard celebrity as epitomizing the trivial and deplorable aspects of popular culture (e.g. Boorstin 1972). But increasing numbers of others are concerned to understand the way cultural and economic shifts have helped create a mass-mediated celebrity industry and also to examine the social functions of celebrity, particularly its relation to new forms of individual and community identity (Hardey 2005; Marshall 1997, 2004, 2006; Redmond and Holmes 2007; Turner 2004).

Governmentality - a term coined by Michel Foucault (1979, 1991) to describe a rethinking ofthe notion ofgovernment - has become a key concept in the humanities and social sciences since the 1990s. Defined as 'the conduct of conduct', that is, any more or less calculated means of directing how we behave and act, the concept of governmentality has generated a proliferating body of work on the 'how' of governing: how we govern; how we are governed; and the relation between the government of the state, the government of others and the government of ourselves (Dean 1999: 2). What might be called 'governmentality studies' thus signifies an interdisciplinary approach to examining how the government of human conduct is thought about and acted upon by authorities and individuals, by invoking particular forms of 'truth' and using specific means and resources (ibid.: 1-3).

China's post-1978 shift from a planned to a market economy has been accompanied by the withdrawal ofthe Party-state from much of its previous commitment to social welfare provision. This situation has not only heightened people's vulnerability to basic risks, but also generated new expectations that individuals will become more self-regulating in areas such as health management, education and job creation (Hyde 2007151-52; Saich 2004: 1-27). In China today, as in many western societies, health increasingly is viewed as a commodity - something that can be bought and sold through privatized healthcare programmes or the consumption of health products - and as an individual goal- it is an individual's moral and social responsibility to be healthy and to remain healthy. In other words, health is not just a 'base or default state'; it is something to be monitored, protected and worked toward via the maintenance of a healthy life-style, both for the sake of oneself and for the good of society as a whole (Clarke et al. 2003: 162, 171-72).

Women in prostitution are documented victims of serial killers, both hisrorically and in the present day. I Jack the Ripper-probably the most infamous serial killer in the Anglophone world-was the alias given to a person who murdered and mutilated at least four and possibly up to eight women, many of whom were allegedly prostitutes, in the Whitechapel area of London in 1888.' While not the first serial killer, Jack the Ripper became a household name primarily because the gruesome details of the case were covered by an emerging popular press, keen to expose manifest social injustice in the context of rapid industrialization to an increasingly literate general population.:' Media coverage capitalized on local concerns by portraying London's East End as a hot-bed of vice, stressing either "the need for social reform to alleviate the poverty causing crime" or berating the metropolitan police for failing to protect lower-class women by catching the perpetrator." The "Ripper" appellative is now routinely attached to serial-murder hunts by the tabloid press.

This paper examines some of the tensions surrounding the PRC's official policy of banning prostitution by focusing on two highly publicized cases of deceptive recruiting for sexual services - the 'Tang Shengli Incident' and the'Liu Yanhua Incident'. Both cases involve young rural women who had migrated from their native homes to other more economically developed parts of China to look for work. Both were forced to sell sex and both resisted.However, whereas Tang Shengli jumped from a building rather than be forced into prostitution, Liu Yanhua escaped from conditions akin to sexual servitude by stabbing her 'employer'. An examination of these cases highlights some of the problems associated with efforts by the Chinese women's media to promote and protect women's rights in a country marked by rapid, yet unequal, economic growth and an expanding, albeit banned, sex industry.

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Conference agenda found at : http://web.mit.edu/chinapolicy/www/conference1/finalagenda.pdf

Based on a statistical analysis of 91 celebrity-endorsed charities in the People's Republic of China, this paper challenges the popular assumption that celebrity involvement with not-for-profit organizations attracts extensive media coverage. Although China is the largest media market in the world, previous studies of celebrity philanthropy have been conducted almost exclusively in a Western context. Such studies argue passionately for and against the role that celebrities can play in attracting attention to humanitarian causes, focusing on the activities of Western celebrities, corporations and consumers as essential or problematic promoters and providers of aid to people in developing countries. We show that – in China, at least – most of this debate is overblown. Rather than arguing in favour of or against 20 celebrity philanthropy, we provide statistical results suggesting that celebrity endorsement has very little impact on press coverage of charities.