Kelly, E.K. 2013, 'Does Deconstruction Matter: Being 'at-home' in the era of climate change', Continuum, vol. 27, no. 1, pp. 41-53.
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Ecology has Greek origins: oikos, `house+. In this paper, I would like to think through the ways in which, and the implications of, climate change as a force is responsible for the deconstruction of the `at home+ in all its textual and material dimensions. In so doing, I build on Clarke's insight that it is not we, as active agents, who deconstruct in the era of climate change but, rather, that climate change is a `deconstructive force+ or `agency+ that `undermines and challenges the terms of consumer democracy and the liberal tradition of political thought+ (2010, 131). I negotiate the relationship between deconstruction and materialism away from being one of mutual exclusivity to one of productive tension. I centre deconstruction as a primary tool of critical engagement and socio-political change. Bringing together deconstruction and new materialist modes of thought I examine the way in which climate change has the potential to reconfigure our understandings of what it means to dwell and move, to be in and out of place, and how this may be reconsidered (without our express `consent+) and rethought. The implications of and responses to climate change are varied, contradictory and often unjust, as I examine in relation to the Queensland floods of late 2010 into early 2011, and the situation of the Torres Strait Islands, where king tides and rising sea levels threaten the future of some communities
Kelly, E.K. 2012, 'A Rough Climate for Migration', Alternate Routes: A Journal of Critical Social Research, vol. 2012, no. Uniting Struggles, pp. 59-84.
In 2010, writer and director Michael Nash released a film detailing the impact of climate change and environmental degradation in terms of mass migration. Nash+s film, titled Climate Refugees has since gone around the world, gaining official selection into countless film festivals. According to information contained on the official website http://www.climaterefugees. com, the film has made its way across much of the United States, presumably in an effort to educate Americans about the global nature of climate change as well as possible impacts at a domestic level with regard to displacement and migration. A call for political action, the film places emphasis on the negative implications of neglecting climate issues, casting this in terms of threats to national security. Given its dominant market (so far), its cover imagery of the U.S. and South America across a face, and its inclusion of prominent American academics, scientists and politicians, such as Al Gore, Paul Ehlrich and Lester Brown, it is not unreasonable to assume that U.S. national security is an important theme of the film.
Kelly, E.K. 2011, 'Review of Somatechnics: Queering the Technologisation of Bodies', Social Semiotics, vol. 21, no. 1, pp. 137-139.
Kelly, E.K. 2011, 'Review of Kay Anderson's 'Race and the Crisis of Humanism'', Australian Critical Race and Whiteness Studies, vol. 7.
Kelly, E.K. 2011, 'Re-Orienting Democratic Hospitality: Breaching Liberal Economies of Welcome', Derrida Today, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 194-214.
Does democracy lead to more ethical or just systems of welcoming, of hospitality? Derrida considers an analysis of sovereignty as pivotal to any re-evaluation of contemporary politics and ethics, tying such a project in with deconstructions of democracy and hospitality: `what is +living together+??+must one live together only with one's like, with someone semblables?+ he asks in Rogues, prompting us to think through what it means to be, at once, democratic and hospitable. In this paper I propose that Derrida provides us with a way of re-orienting democracy and hospitality that complicates conditions of citizenship and belonging, of the nation-state and sovereignty and of justice and unconditionality. It is the contention of this paper that deconstructing sovereignty is essential for any re-orientation of practices of hospitality within liberal democratic countries. The figure of the foreigner and questions of hospitality reveal a deep ambivalence at the core of democracy in the sense that it provokes the desire for openness and closure simultaneously. In closing, I raise questions concerning the potential for deconstructive practice to engage in a future politico-ethics of the border in light of this critical evaluation of democracy. In so doing, I consider the role of deconstruction in relation to liberal modalities of hospitality.
Kelly, E.K. 2010, 'Growing Together: Land Rights and the Northern Territory Intervention', M/C Journal, vol. 13, no. 6, pp. 1-9.
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According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term coalition comes from the Latin coalescere or `coalesce+, meaning +come or bring together to form one mass or whole+. Coalesce refers to the unity affirmed as something grows: co + +together+, alesce + +to grow up+. While coalition is commonly associated with formalised alliances and political strategy in the name of self-interest and common goals, this paper will draw as well on the broader etymological understanding of coalition as +growing together+ in order to discuss the Australian government+s recent changes to land rights legislation, the 2007 Emergency Intervention into the Northern Territory, and its decision to use Indigenous land in the Northern Territory as a dumping ground for nuclear waste. What unites these distinct cases is the role of the Australian nation-state in asserting its sovereign right to decide, something Giorgio Agamben notes is the primary indicator of sovereign right and power (Agamben). As Fiona McAllan has argued in relation to the Northern Territory Intervention: +Various forces that had been coalescing and captivating the moral, imaginary centre were now contributing to a spectacular enactment of a sovereign rescue mission+ (par. 18). Different visions of +growing together+, and different coalitional strategies, are played out in public debate and policy formation. This paper will argue that each of these cases represents an alliance between successive, oppositional governments - and the nourishment of neoliberal imperatives - over and against the interests of some of the Indigenous communities, especially with relation to land rights.
A collection of essays looking at the concept of 'coalition'.
Kelly, E.K. 2008, 'Democratic Hospitalities: national borders and the impossibility of the other for democracy', Transformations, vol. 16, no. 1, pp. 1-12.
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This paper is concerned with the relationship between +democracy+ and +hospitality.+ In public discourse and political debates, democracy is often conceptually invoked in order to confirm the juridical, political or moral validity of a position or mode of action.  In relation specifically to understandings of hospitality at a national level toward +strangers++refugee or otherwise+democracy is situated as both a +right+ and a +responsibility+ in the dominant liberal framework.  As will be made clear in this paper, the Howard Liberal Coalition government (1996 - 2007) aligned liberal democracy with the right to exclude those persons deemed to be +illegal+ from the body of the nation-state, and to determine the conditions of entry into the nation-state via managed systems of immigration.
Kelly, E.K. 2007, 'Culture Wars: Liberalism, Hospitality and Sovereignty', Borderlands E-Journal, vol. 6, no. 3, p. 1.
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This paper offers an exploration of the interrelation of (neo)liberalism, hospitality and state sovereignty. This is done in the context of the 'cultural wars' which, I argue, is the site in and through which the Howard Liberal Coalition government promotes a teleological grand narrative underpinned by whiteness. In this paper I contend that whiteness is the overriding project concerned with the renewal of white social and economic privilege and power; racelessness is the mechanism of disavowing race as significant to, in this instance, liberalism. Liberalism is positioned as the end point and racelessness its outcome in politics and culture. Against this logic, this paper examines the constitutive racism of liberalism under the Howard government and the implications of the disavowal of this racism for practices of hospitality toward asylum seekers and migrants. By promoting liberalism as universal, innocent and unmarked by race relations, the Howard government has been able to reconfigure public debate, policy and law. Liberalism as unmarked veils over the perpetuation of racial hierarchies and disguises the racial implications of policy and law attached to a (neo)liberal agenda. In this sense, we cannot narrate neo-liberalism as a radical aberration of liberalism thus positing liberalism as innocent or distinct from racial violences. I contend that contemporary forms of liberalism are concerned with reconsolidating the group rights of whites to the exclusion of Indigenous sovereignty.
Kelly, E.K. 2006, 'White Hospitality: a Critique of Political Responsibility in the Context of Australia's Anti-asylum-seeker Laws', Continuum, vol. 20, no. 4, pp. 457-469.
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Since 1996, a shift to the right has characterized Australian politics. Such a trend is recognizable via what many commentators have referred to as the rise of the New Right; a neo-conservative movement characterized by the coupling of free-market economic principles with socially conservative values (see Markus, 2001; McKnight, 2005). This year, 2006, witnessed the 10th anniversary of Prime Minister John Howard+s leadership in Australia, and has continued to be marked by the movement of the Australian Labor Party to the centre and the disparagement of other dissenting or oppositional voices.